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Ideology, power relation, and political reconciliation : Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah's anti-communism discourse in the post-Soeharto era
Dito Alif Pratama; Amsal Bakhtiar; Haula Noor (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-17)
This dissertation examines the transformation in the discourse of anti-communism in Indonesia after the fall of Soeharto with a focus on Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. The study argues that the anti-communism discourse is not only a historical heritage of the New Order, but also an evolving discourse that continues to shape contemporary political and religious life in Indonesia. This dissertation uses a qualitative comparative study, with a focus on the period between 1998 and 2025, a period that coincides with the opening of Indonesian democratic sphere after the fall of Soeharto regime and the recent attempts to reassert state power over the discourse of anti-communism. This study refers to various sources, including organizational documents such as the Muktamar (congress) material of NU and Muhammadiyah from 1999 to 2022, and AD/ART (organizational statutes) and internal guidelines, media publications, especially those published on the official websites of NU Online and Muhammadiyah.or.id. To compile a dataset that captures the articulation of anti-communism discourse in contemporary public spheres, I carried out manual web scraping by following keywords such as "communism," "PKI," and the "1965 tragedy." As of 30 July 2025, the data from both websites include at least 61 articles from NU Online and 28 articles from Muhammadiyah.or.id. This study is also supported by a variety of complementary sources such as symposium records about the communism and the tragedy of 1965; interviews and focus group discussions with 31 participants from various levels and generations of the organization. These data are subsequently analyzed through the lens of Robert M. Entman's framing theory, which is based on three interrelated dimensions: ideology, power relation and political reconciliation. At the ideological level, the findings of this dissertation show that both organizations sustain anti-communism through three interrelated belief structures: (1) the construction of communism as foreign and atheistic, which is incompatible with the Pancasila; (2) the persistence of historical stigma rooted in the violence associated with PKI, especially in 1948 and 1965; and (3) a continuing belief in the potential resurgence of communism. At the level of power relation, anti-communism functions as a strategic resource which is mobilized by both state actors and organizational structural level within NU and Muhammadiyah to legitimize authority and shape political alignments. Meanwhile, in terms of political reconciliation, the study finds that engagement with the legacy of 1965-1966 remains limited and conditional, constrained by enduring stigma and legal restrictions, thereby restricting more critical reinterpretations of the humanitarian tragedy in the past, particularly the 1965 tragedy. Additionally, this dissertation develops the notion of "half-hearted reconciliation," a mode of engagement where anti-communism is recognized in NU and Muhammadiyah, but without full accountability and meaningful structural change for both organizations. Overall, the study argues that anti-communism in Indonesia is actively reproduced through the interaction of ideology, institutional power and contested historical memory, shaping the boundaries of political discourse and limit the process of reconciliation in the post-Soeharto era.
The impact of women's employment restrictions on financial stress among Afghan households : the mediating role of economic coping strategies
Hafizi, Ziyada; Aimatul Yumna (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-15)
The employment restrictions for women in Afghanistan have significantly reduced women's participation in paid labour since 2021 and affected household economic conditions. The loss of women's income has increased household vulnerability and led families to take various economic coping strategies which might lead to more financial stress. In this study we investigated the impact of women's employment restrictions on financial stress and investigated the mediating role of economic coping strategies among Afghan households. Based on the existing literature in the areas of household coping behaviour and financial stress, how household behaviour reacts to economic shocks and financial hardship was explained. The research design was quantitative and the primary data were gathered by means of an online questionnaire for Afghan women with employment restrictions using purposive and snowball sampling. 310 responses were collected and after cleaning data, 291 valid responses were retained for analysis. The data was analysed using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM) with SmartPLS 4. The results shows that women's employment restrictions had a positive and significant impact on economic coping strategies and financial stress, and economic coping strategies also had a positive and significant impact on financial stress. Also, economic coping strategies partially mediated the relationship between women's employment restrictions and financial stress. These findings indicate that employment restrictions not only directly affect household financial stress but indirectly contribute to financial stress (e.g., by borrowing, reducing consumption, and relying on informal networks of support). This study contributes to the growing literature on the socioeconomic impact of women's employment restrictions in Afghanistan and presents empirical evidence that may aid policymakers, humanitarian organisations, and development agencies in developing strategies to support household economic resilience and reduce financial vulnerability in fragile countries and improve household economic resilience and welfare in Afghanistan.
The credibility currency : how state credibility shapes access to Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) negotiations in Indonesia and Nigeria
Ahmed, Abdullahi; Priza Marendraputra; Guild, James Jordan (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-23)
Access to large-scale climate finance is increasingly mediated by negotiated partnerships such as Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), however the factors that determine which countries receive prioritized access, remain poorly comprehended and under-researched in the literature of climate finance and of public policy. As a consequence of that, this thesis therefore explores how state credibility influences participation as well as outcomes in JETP negotiations using a comparative qualitative case study of Indonesia and Nigeria. Through a process tracing of publicly available documents, policy statements, institutional reports, and elite statements by donor organizations, this paper shows that increased observable state credibility, operationalised through policy consistency, institutional capacity, reform track record, and diplomatic signaling, play a very significant role in increasing the chances of being prioritized and granted structured access to the JETP negotiations. The success of Indonesia in securing a US$ 20 billion JETP package at the 2022 G20 Summit is especially incongruent with the ongoing inability of Nigeria to strike a comparable deal, despite comparatively similar material needs as well as strong indications of interest. The overall findings from the research reveal that credibility acts as a type of gatekeeping mechanism in climate finance architecture, which filters access prior to even formal negotiations commencing. The research contributes to the body of literature on climate finance by offering further information and understanding of the political-economic and reputational processes that shape negotiated climate capital allocation, providing policy implications for countries especially those in the Global South seeking to enhance their credibility currency in international climate finance.
Beyond infrastructure : authoritarian diffusion and governance transformation under China's Belt and Road Initiative in Kenya and Ethiopia 2000-2025
Faye, Adama; Moch Faisal Karim; Farish A. Noor (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-20)
This study examines how China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has influenced governance transformation and the potential diffusion of authoritarian governance practices in Kenya and Ethiopia between 2000 and 2025. Rooted in Authoritarian Diffusion Theory and Governance Transformation Theory, it aims to examine whether Chinese development cooperation under the BRI asserts executive authority or facilitates institutional adaptation. The research relies on a qualitative comparative study and examines documentary evidence from government policy documents, as well as reports from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and other international reports like AidData (2021) and the China-Africa Research Initiative (CAI, 2021). The results show that BRI participation has significantly altered the governance framework in these two countries, albeit in different ways and in different forms of institutions. In Ethiopia, extensive Chinese financing, estimated at USD 13.7 billion, was channeled through state-owned enterprises and incorporated into the Growth and Transformation Plans. This setup strengthened the over-centralization of power, encasement of power into a hierarchical structure, and the implementation of digital surveillance capabilities with Huawei and ZTE. The Ethiopian State exemplifies authoritarian diffusion on the basis of developmental centralization. Kenya, on the other other hand, managed BRI-related projects under constitutional protocols and the Public Finance Management Act (2012) as they secured about USD 10.8 billion from China. Parliamentary oversight, debt disclosure reforms, and the Data Protection Act (2019) ensured foreign engagement produced a hybrid governance transformation, providing an efficiency gained that was not in contradiction with accountability. Overall, both cases show that the political impacts of the BRI are mediational and conditional as a result of domestic institutional arrangements. While there was a centralized system in Ethiopia that absorbed authoritarianism, there was a pluralistic version in Kenya that absorbed these influences into the relatively clear, well-regulated movements of the local version. Based on this research, it was confirmed that the BRI, rather than being a formal importation of authoritarianism is a process of transnational governance diffusion. Its ultimate effects and results rely on the capacity and independence of local institutions. The policy recommendations include linking fiscal accountability to digital accountability in Africa and urge China to increase the transparency of development cooperation, as well as to harmonize standards for the multilateral lenders. Overall, the study helps the debates on China-Africa development partnership and global governance transformation, showing that external development partnerships have the capacity of changing the states' power in Africa by engaging in context specific institutional interaction, which can reinforce accountable governance or deepen authoritarianism.
Explaining divergent mineral ownership policy strategies under energy transition pressure : a comparative study of Namibia and Zimbabwe (2015 -2025)
Atule, Dauda; Sirojuddin Arif; Moch Faisal Karim (Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia, 2026-07-20)
This study explores why Namibia and Zimbabwe exhibited divergent ownership assertiveness dynamics in their critical mineral sectors, despite facing similar energy transition pressures and shared orientations toward resource nationalism. While conventional explanations associate resource nationalism assertiveness with narrow coalition dependence, this study demonstrates the opposite: where the regime-maintenance coalition is narrow, governments produce a selectively retreating ownership assertiveness dynamic because political survival imperatives compel policy adjustment toward protecting coalition finance. Using a most-similar systems design and process tracing, this study argues that this variation stems from different coalition structures that determine political survival in each state. The findings of the study indicate that the ruling SWAPO party in Namibia faces intense public pressure over ownership regulation; this pressure translates into electoral costs, forcing the government to move towards an escalating ownership assertiveness dynamic. Conversely, in Zimbabwe, where survival depends on narrow regime-maintenance coalitions, intra-coalition succession tensions generate coalition defection vulnerability (CDV), resulting in policy adjustments toward a selectively retreating assertiveness to protect the financial interests of key coalition actors. The study contributes to both RN and critical mineral governance literature.